||A Sampler of Civil
Weekly, April 2, 1864
the next article in this section
Tippoo, a kind-hearted slave, has his family sold to pay for a
substitute for his masters labor requirement in the war. After this, the master
leaves for battle. The kitchen slave tells Tippoo that she is going to escape that night
and that he can join her. Not wanting to leave his sick mistress and her young daughter
alone, Tippoo refuses to go. The next day, the mistress dies, and Tippoo has another
chance to escape. Instead, he takes the young girl to her uncle. Tippoo becomes the
property of the uncle, who sends him to build Confederate fortifications. At Roanoke
Island, Tippoo captures the uncle, who is a captain, and turns him into the Federal
forces. He lives as a freeman in Massachusetts until the call goes out for black troops.
Joining the 54th Massachusetts, Tippoo is part of the charge on Battery (Fort)
Wagner. There, he meets his old master in battle, but, remembering the young daughter,
cannot bring himself to shoot the man. As he turns to go, the master shoots Tippoo in the
chest and kills him.
April 2, 1864, pages 214 (1-3)-215 (1-3)
Attack on Fort Wagner"
August 8, 1863, page 510 (1-2)
Late Colonel Shaw"
August 15, 1863, page 526 (1-2)
"Teaching the Negro Recruits the
Use of the Minie Rifle"
March 14, 1863, page 161(1-4)
"A Negro Regiment in Action"
March 14, 1863, pages 168 (1-4)-169 (1-4)
"The Attack on Fort WagnerThe Stormers
Advancing Under Fire"
August 8, 1863, page 509 (1-4)
"Our Duty in Reorganization"
June 24, 1865, page 387 (1-2)
"Peace," said Edmund Burke, "may be made as
unadvisedly as war. Nothing is so rash as fear, and the counsels of pusillanimity very
rarely put off, while they are always sure to aggravate, the evils from which they would
fly." What this country needs to secure peace is the firm application of a plain
principle. The principle of State rights, like that of county rights and town rights, is a
good one. But the principle of national rights is the paramount and essential principle of
the present situation. All subordinate rights whatever must bend to the national necessity
of a local government in every State based upon the consent of the whole body of loyal
The national authority is fully competent to secure that
government. There is no reason whatever why the nation should delegate its authority to
secure such State governments in the South to a part of the loyal freemen resident there.
At this moment no one loyal freeman of North Carolina has any right to a voice in
reorganizing the State which every other does not equally possess. There is no more
reason, except in an imaginary view of policy, why the national Government should
authorize white loyalists alone to reorganize the State government of North Carolina
because the voters in that State were formerly white than that it should authorize the
colored loyalists alone to reorganize it because they have been always faithful to the
country. As a question of policy merely, it is clear that if any class of loyalists object
to reorganize the State upon acknowledged democratic republican principles that is not a
class to which the reorganization can be safely intrusted. It is better policy to govern
the State directly by the national authority than to relinquish it to such a class.
An apparently well-informed correspondent of the New York Times
says, in a late letter from North Carolina: "While many admit that it may be the
negro will be qualified to exercise that right in the future, every one thinks that he is
not intelligent enough to do so now." "Every one" means, of course, the
white population; the class who were formerly among the voters of the State. Yet in the
very next paragraph of his letter the correspondent says: "The ignorance of the
poorer classes is heart-rending, and their prejudices are strong as only those of ignorant
Not more than one-seventh of the voters can read and write."
These are the people who think the negro is not intelligent enough to vote; and these are
the white loyalists to whom the apologists and friends of the rebellion insist that the
right of voting shall be exclusively given because the colored loyalists are not
sufficiently "intelligent!" The same correspondent adds: "They exhibit a
prejudice against the slave that readily accounts for the ease with which the
Southern heart was fired during the war." And it is to these persons that it is
proposed the question of suffrage for the colored freemen in the State shall be referred.
Is it surprising that, as a letter in the Herald
says, "Among the negroes, however, there is sorrow?" Yes, and among
ourselvesamong the people of the United States, who have still the decision of the
questionshould there not be shame? Side by side with our brothers and friends, upon
the soil of both the Carolinas, the colored men, to whom we had given no special cause to
love us or to believe in us, fought for our Government and shared our victory. Side by
side the bodies of the brave men, black and white, mingle in the dust. In a nameless grave
upon Morris Island the fair-haired Shaw lies "buried with his niggers," all of
them, soldiers and leader, having fought in the full faith that their death secured equal
rights for all American citizens under the law. So they fought, so they fell, on many a
noble field. Shall those who shot them downthose who hated them and the cause which
they defended; those who hate the brave living black boys the more because their brethren
did not die in vainbe allowed to do at the polls what they could not do in battle?
They can not do it any where unless we consent. Can we consent without eternal infamy?
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